Mes: juny de 2019

The Catalan Case – as it is commonly known nowadays, has challenged many of the pre-assumed notions of activism worldwide. While most activist movements lack formal organization, hierarchy and leadership, the Catalan pro-independence movement possesses all three, which could be one of the main explanations for its success every 11th of September.

The title “The Case of the Catalans Consider’d” was the name used by European chancellors early in the 18th century to refer to the debates and arrangements regarding the political destiny of the Principality of Catalonia in the context of the Peace of Utrecht (1712-1714), the agreement that ended the War of the Spanish Succession.

In this war, Catalonia had supported Archduke Charles of Austria and the Great Alliance overall (led by the Holy Roman Empire and Great Britain) against the Bourbon Alliance (composed of France and the Bourbons in Spain). When Charles’ elder brother Joseph died in 1711, he succeeded him as the Holy Roman Emperor. This eventually led to his withdrawal from the war, effectively leaving Philip V as the victorious monarch of Spain. Philip then invoked the right of conquest over the Crown of Aragon and Catalonia, suppressing its institutions and privileges.

Over three centuries have passed since then. The National Day of Catalonia, celebrated every 11th September, commemorates the defeat of Barcelona that occurred in 1714, marking the end of the Spanish War of Succession in Catalan territories. The holiday was first celebrated on this day in 1886. It was suppressed by Franco in 1939 but was officially reinstated in 1980 by the Generalitat de Catalunya, the governmental body of Catalonia, following the end of the Franco regime.

The 11th of September commemoration has gained a pro-independence connotation ever since 2010, when the Constitutional Court of Spain watered down the political aspirations included in the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, 2006. Since then, millions of Catalans have marched every year on this day. When reporting, detractors of the pro-independence movement reduce the number of attendees to half a million per year, while Catalan pro-independence activists raise this figure to two million. Regardless of the actual number, these demonstrations are considered to be the largest rallies in the whole of modern Europe.

The Catalan Case – as it is commonly known nowadays, has challenged many of the pre-assumed notions of activism worldwide. While most activist movements lack formal organization, hierarchy and leadership, the Catalan pro-independence movement possesses all three, which could be one of the main explanations for its success every 11th of September. Contrary to other movements, Catalan pro-independence activism also avoids direct confrontation with armed forces and instead of going against the government itself, persuades the major Catalan political forces to move from a soft nationalism to a militant pro-independence scenario, the approach which Catalonia currently takes.

The 2019 Spanish General Election, occurring only a couple of weeks ago, reinforced the left (led by PSOE), who, while supporting open dialogue with Catalonia, stop short of supporting a referendum like the Scottish one of 2014. The elections also made the pro-independence party (the ERC) the most voted for party in Catalonia for the first time in the Spanish elections. This party is led by Oriol Junqueras, the former vice-president of Catalonia, now on trial and in jail for the 2017 Catalan declaration of independence. Alongside the seats won by the ERC, there was also JxC, led by the former president of Catalonia, Carles Puigdemont, currently exiled. The pro-independence parties now have more seats than ever in Spanish congress (as well as those they have held in the Catalan government since 2015). In this picture, it seems that only a sincere dialogue between both sides will be able to satisfactorily end the situation, possibly with some resignations. Only time will tell what the results will be.

Publicat a Cambridge Core blog, 29 maig 2019

Marc Perelló-Sobrepere és doctor en Comunicació per la Universitat Ramon Llull (URL) i professor a la Universitat International de Catalunya (UIC) i a la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB). Ha estat investigador visitant a la City University London i la Universitat de Copenhagen. La seva recerca se centra en comunicació digital i activisme polític, especialment en xarxes socials massives i el seu ús polític i social.

Contrary to most nationalist movements, Catalan nationalism is a bottom-up process, having arisen from social movements. Many arguments and reasons to support independence have been shared by Catalan activists on social networks, with effective results. Catalan nationalism also benefits from a huge pool of supporters based in academia thanks to a pacifying tone and well-researched arguments regarding the formation of a new state in Europe.

Nationalism has been one of the determining forces of modern history. After the fall of the Ancient Empires, it represented something to be proud of: the defence of one’s citizenship, traditions, language and culture-with Hans Kohn being one of the major historians of the old nationalism. The fascist movements of the Europe of the 19th and 20th centuries, however, caused the term to develop many negative connotations. Today, it is often related to authoritative regimes and political ideas of exclusion rather than inclusion. It is even used as an insult in some political and cultural magazines. In terms of language also, a huge effort has been made to debate differences between ‘nationalism’ and ‘patriotism’, concluding that the latter contains all the good will that the former supposedly lacks.

The truth is, however, that nationalism is an evolving term with a rich history and many footnotes, depending on which type we are discussing. The many theories under which academics have been studying and defining most of the nationalist movements that there have been in contemporary history derive from the works of Hans Kohn, Anthony Smith, Tom Nairn, John Breuilly and Elie Kedourie to name a few. Kedourie takes a hostile stance towards nationalism and defines it as a form of politics that is unrelated to reality. He labels it a new form of romanticism and cites Fichte and Herder as examples of intellectuals who have been seduced. In a similar way, Smith claims that nationalism is nothing but an exaggeration of history combined with mythology. Breuilly is equally critical, suggesting that nationalist leaders aim for total control of the masses. Nairn also shares the idea that nationalism is an elite movement that seeks to spread throughout the masses. Most, if not all of the 20th century scholars describe nationalism negatively.

More recently, however, writers such as Taras Kuzio, Rogers Brubaker, Will Kymlicka and Montserrat Guibernau have challenged these assumptions, demonstrating that the new nationalisms’ characteristics are too varied to fit under a single, negatively- connotated umbrella. For instance, Guibernau describes Catalan nationalism as a form of nationalism without a state, tearing apart the premise that the ideology needs a state to survive. Guibernau’s definition seems quite appropriate if we consider that most Catalans are nowadays in favour of a new state. Yet how exactly is Catalan nationalism different from other types?

Contrary to most nationalist movements, Catalan nationalism is a bottom-up process, having arisen from social movements. In this case, the masses convinced the elite to pursue a Catalan state, not the other way around. In fact, the leading political party in Catalonia for the majority of the last twenty years, CiU (Convergència i Unió), always denied the possibility of a new state. It was not until after 11th September 2012 that this idea was even considered by its then-leader, Artur Mas, after millions went out onto the streets of Barcelona demanding independence. Since then, the party has been reformed under the name JxC (Junts per Catalunya) and is now led by Carles Puigdemont. He is currently exiled in Brussels, however, due to the Spanish state prosecution of those Catalan leaders who declared independence in 2017, even though this declaration never had a legal impact on either Spanish or Catalan politics.

Another major pillar of nationalism that is challenged by Catalan nationalism is that of romanticism. While it does have its own fair dose of mythology and idolized history, these are not at this nationalism’s core. The growth of this nationalism in the past two decades -and thus the growth in the number of supporters of independence- stems mainly from economic interest, rather than from a sentimental or mythological ideology. Different studies carried out by some of the most prominent economists have revealed that Catalonia would benefit more from being a new state than from remaining as part of Spain; Catalan GDP is actually one of Europe’s highest. To many Catalans out there, independence is, in fact, a rather pragmatic matter of survival.

In 2015, a newly formed political coalition aiming for independence won the Catalan elections. In 2017, after the failed declaration of independence, the pro-independence parties formed a government once again, only this time as two separate parties: JxC and ERC. Additionally, in the 2019 Spanish General Election, the pro-independence parties won more seats in the Spanish Congress than ever before. The Spanish answer to the ever-growing support for independence has drifted between feigned dialogue (always within the limits of the Spanish Constitution) and a legal-criminal response that witnesses several of the old leaders of Catalan independentism behind bars at this time.

It must be said that social networks have had a huge influence in the deployment of Catalan nationalism. The more social networks’ popularity has spread among Catalans, the more supporters of independence there have been. Many arguments and reasons to support independence have been shared by Catalan activists on social networks, with effective results. Catalan nationalism also benefits from a huge pool of supporters based in academia thanks to a pacifying tone and well-researched arguments regarding the formation of a new state in Europe. The two most recent Spanish foreign ministers, Alfonso Dastis and Josep Borrell, have acknowledged that the international empathy, even sympathy, expressed towards the Catalan pro-independence movement stems, in part, from academia-related efforts to sustain Catalan claims. International attention was also drawn by the referenda of 9th November 2014 and 1st October 2017, both organized without the Spanish government’s approval and also by the terrific police charges that followed the second.

Could Catalan nationalism ultimately lead to the creation of a new Catalan state? Such an idea should not surprise anyone in Europe-over 20 new states came to be during the 20th and 21st centuries. However, while the Yes to independence leads most surveys on this issue, the Spanish state is not even considering such a possibility. While some far-right and conservative politicians (from the Partido Popular, Ciudadanos and VOX) fantasize about the possibility of erasing Catalan autonomy, currently under a pro-independence government, the centre-left and left parties (PSOE, Podemos) aim for a political solution within the limits of the Spanish Constitution. This would, however, exclude the chance for a referendum like the one held in Scotland in 2014. With the Catalan pro-independence supporters gaining power in Catalonia and the two major political forces in Spain not allowing a referendum (let alone an eventual secession) for both sides, engaging in sincere dialogue will, sooner or later, be a necessity.

Publicat a Global Discourse Blog, 17 maig 2019

Marc Perelló-Sobrepere és doctor en Comunicació per la Universitat Ramon Llull (URL) i professor a la Universitat International de Catalunya (UIC) i a la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB). Ha estat investigador visitant a la City University London i la Universitat de Copenhagen. La seva recerca se centra en comunicació digital i activisme polític, especialment en xarxes socials massives i el seu ús polític i social.